ARMY architects of disasters and disgrace go scot-free

The merchants of menace

Those questioning this dogma are instantly labelled traitors and ostracised while the architects of disasters and disgrace go scot-free
His clients ranged from Libya to North Korea and properties from Timbuktu to Dubai. At the height of his power his net worth was reportedly $ 400 million. His face, with a Hilteresque moustache, appeared on the February 14, 2005 Time magazine cover captioned ‘The Merchant of Menace’. That man was Dr Abdul Qadir Khan and his trade was nuclear proliferation. While everyone on his trail was convinced that Dr Khan could not have run a sprawling network of aeroplanes and yachts shuttling his P-1 and P-2 centrifuges across international airspace and maritime borders all by himself, the Pakistani authorities insisted that he was a lone wolf. The recent revelations by the former spokesman of the Pakistani armed forces, General (retired) Athar Abbas about the ex-army chief, General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, make it sound as if Kayani — like Dr A Q Khan — alone was responsible for the monumental mess Pakistan made in the North Waziristan Agency and the terrorist menace it peddled in the region.
Dovetailing with General Abbas’ disclosures about his former boss is a slew of panegyrics praising the incumbent Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Raheel Sharif as the ‘soldier’s soldier’ by the same coterie of analysts and anchors who once celebrated General Kayani as the ‘thinking soldier’ who alone had ostensibly changed the army’s doctrine and identified domestic jihadism as the existential threat to the country. The chief has retired; long live the chief! How convenient indeed except that General Kayani did what his institution had trained and required him to do, like the chiefs before him. Was General Ayub Khan alone in staging the 1958 coup d’état? Did he not have Lieutenant Generals Mohammad Azam Khan, Wajid Burki and K M Sheikh with him all the way? Did General Yahya Khan pull off his putsch all by himself? Did Major Generals Ghulam Umar and Sher Ali Khan Pataudi not prod the deep-in-the-cups dictator? Was that most evil of them all, General Ziaul Haq, the sole architect of so-called Operation Fair Play on July 4, 1977? Did Generals Faiz Ali Chishti, Sawar Khan, Iqbal Khan, Jehanzeb Arbab, Fazl-e-Haq, Rahimuddin Khan and K M Arif not go the whole hog with Zia? And was the commando dictator General Musharraf not airborne still when Generals Aziz Khan, Mahmud Ahmad and Muzzafar Usmani wrapped up Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his government on October 12, 1999? Barring a handful of honourable exceptions during the army’s brutal campaign in Bangladesh, did any general ever refuse to carry out unlawful orders and resign?
General Kayani may be an easy punching bag but he, his predecessors and his successor are chips off that same old block, which avoids accountability like the plague. An institution that produced four overtly adventurist chiefs, suffered humiliation in four wars, brutalised the Bengalis and Baloch, meddles incessantly in civilian affairs and has no culture of accountability has a lot to answer for. Instead, stonewalling civilian inquiries into debacles like Kargil or forcing politicians to suppress damning findings like the Hamoodur Rehman or the Abbottabad Commissions’ reports is the military’s standard operating procedure. Even internal inquests into military disasters like the 1965 twin operations Gibraltar and Grand Slam are scarce and read more like a biography or a travelogue than a professional analysis of the rout. Rather than acknowledging and rectifying institutional shortcomings, the military has, for decades, commissioned analysts to write a revisionist history in which even the 1971 resounding defeat is portrayed as a betrayal by the “untrustworthy and Hindu-ised” Bengalis who had “conspired with India”. This poppycock is then taught as the gospel truth in Pakistani schools and, along with other fairytales, passes for history. Those questioning this dogma are instantly labelled traitors and ostracised while the architects of disasters and disgrace go scot-free.
Whatever General Athar Abbas has said is merely partial truth. The key question is if it was Kayani or the outfit he headed that incubated the jihadist legions in North Waziristan. As discussed in this column for years now, General Kayani refused to act against the jihadists in North Waziristan because that risked disrupting the security establishment’s meticulously crafted ‘good/bad’ Taliban tactic — a bedrock of Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy before the good jihadists could be let loose on Afghanistan come 2014’s US withdrawal. Kayani, along with Musharraf, was the architect of the establishment’s good/bad Taliban ruse to keep the US off their backs. The security establishment stoked anti-US sentiments through its assets in the media and the religio-political parties, and then used it as an excuse not to act in North Waziristan ‘under US pressure’ lest it provoke a hyper-nationalist and jihadist backlash. Kayani could not have carried out this convoluted narrative management without his top media manager who has suddenly spoken out now.
The series of operations conducted under Kayani’s command left the good Taliban unscathed and the Zarb-e-Azb offensive is no different. All major operations were announced with fanfare, giving advance warning to the jihadists to flee, as has happened in North Waziristan now. Other than netting Muslim Khan of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) through a talks ploy, no top good or bad jihadist ringleader has been captured or killed in any of the grand sounding military operations conducted to date. The US drones have taken out almost all the TTP and Haqqani network leaders killed thus far. The bravado in the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) communiqués notwithstanding, reports from the locals suggest that Zarb-e-Azb’s outcome will be no different. Two weeks into the ground assault there is no independent verification of the army’s claims of killing hundreds of terrorists. The handpicked embedded journalists are en route to croak victory from North Waziristan soon. Another round of the mock whack-a-mole with the jihadists nears its completion. Unfortunately, the tremendous human cost of this eyewash is being paid by the 800,000 Pashtun civilians uprooted from their homes.
Shifting blame for past disasters to political governments, General Kayani or for that matter even the ISI is a mere diversion to insulate the military establishment against domestic and international criticism for allowing the domestic, regional and transnational jihadists consort freely in North Waziristan resulting in the deaths and maiming of thousands of innocents. The buck in this instance stops not with General Kayani but with his institution. General Raheel Sharif’s pronouncement to fight terrorists of all shades is welcome indeed but without ushering in a robust and transparent institutional accountability that assembly line will keep producing more merchants of menace who, contrary to whatever anyone says, have never acted alone.

Aziz Ihsan

Listen Mr. Taqi, the self proclaimed father of all the truth and nothing but the truth since you know damn everything which happens on this green earth.

Not sure but since Maj-Gen ® Athar Abbas was of Maj-Gen rank but his
rank doesn’t make him privy to decisions made in the Corp Commanders /formation commanders meetings, where the normal rank is of Lt-Gen.

AQK is the BIGGEST FRAUD and TRAITOR Pakistan has ever seen.

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    What is it that you disagree with the writer? The writer is just pointing the obvious. he is trying to open eyes like yours. Counter his points with what you got. A media manager is indeed privy to everything.

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      I replied in a statement second para which contradicts the validity of Maj-Gen (R) Athar statement. He was not part of Corp/formation commanders meetings. Only officers with rank level of Lt-Gen are present in these meetings. Therefore, how did he come to know that what Kiyani was thinking out loud?

      As so called media manager is not present in these meetings. At the end of the meeting one of the Lt-Gen gives out his sanitized notes to the ISPR DG.

      Second this Taqi, with a intellectual level of cab driver knows everything about everything.

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        Aziz Ihsan! your comments are not worthy to replied to. They are merely based on malicious rejection of the obvious. People of your sort and ilk bring the sky down to earth when it comes to Israel and India…condemnable as they are for their atrocities…but you will never say a word about the blood shed of Pashtun being shed under the shadow of Afghan policy being engineered by the Generals.

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    Congratulations, Dr. Taqi – couldn’t have been written more succinctly! Is there anyone listening?

Military’s continued interference

UNTIL around sometime in 2007, the question ‘which is the strongest institution in Pakistan?’ was always met immediately with the reply: ‘the military’.

The reply was unambiguous and did not call for any elaboration. For almost six decades after independence, Pakistan’s military, specifically its army, reigned supreme over the political economy of the country.

However, since 2007, there has been not just far greater ambiguity regarding the question, but for once, there are a number of possible answers. While the military is still powerful, it has now been forced to share the stage with at least two, and possibly three, institutions which can make some valid and genuine claim to being powerful — perhaps not dominant, but at least vying for power, with varying degrees, amongst a handful of contenders.

The military’s hegemony has been questioned, and at times even challenged, since 2007, by institutions which have not until now, been able to do so.

The judiciary, parliament and to some degree the media, have tried to assert their independence and sovereignty over the public and political domain, in effect pushing the military aside, and making elbow room at the table for themselves.

The superior judiciary, and the (now retired) chief justice of Pakistan since 2008 passed judgements which have found the military as an institution, as well as serving and retired senior officers, guilty of violating the Constitution, some of their acts amounting to treasonable offences.

While decisions and judgements are still pending and under review, and while some of those that have already been made have not resulted in the concerned officers being imprisoned, the fact that the judiciary, which has until recently been a partner of the military in their anti-democratic political stance and decisions, is in a position to challenge the military and assert its own democratic and independent stance, is highly significant in a country which has not seen such belligerent action.

Parliament has also flexed its independent muscles after 2008, though, sadly, not enough, to demonstrate its right to govern challenging the dominance of the military. The media which has been a participant of this transition, for the most part, has been a tool for democratic forces to hound out the military for its past anti-democratic behaviour and position, as the Tahirul Qadri charade revealed.

The undisputed dominance of Pakistan’s military in the Pakistani political settlement, has been successfully challenged, and from being a hegemon, the military may at the moment perhaps just be a veto player, a huge transformation in Pakistan’s political economy.

And while there is no clear dominant institution at this moment, for a country which has known military dominance for over six decades, these are extraordinary developments. The military is not what it once was in the eyes of the public, nor in the equation which explains Pakistan’s political economy.

There have been enough signs that the military’s hegemony has been broken, not least the largely symbolic indictment of retired Gen Pervez Musharraf, himself. Yet, one needs to remind oneself, that such transitions, where civilian institutions begin to dominate, and when the military recedes, can take years.

Academic research from countries where the military ruled for as long as two or three decades at a stretch shows, that it can be between eight to 10 years before the military begins to accept civilian supremacy and when it loses its supreme power.

In the case of Indonesia, for example, it took almost a decade before the military had lost even its power to veto key civilian decisions. We have not even completed six years of civilian transition, and war on our borders and within Pakistan gives greater legitimacy to military interference than ‘normal’ countries.

The latest interference by the military in sabotaging Pakistan’s trade policy is a sign that while the military is down and out, civilian supremacy and dominance over the military, is still incomplete. What right does the military have to decide which country Pakistan should trade with?

Under civilian control, Pakistan’s military needs to deal only with issues which affect security and Pakistan’s borders, not what consumers can buy and sell, or which country they can buy from and sell to. While civilian control over many institutions has been gradual, it still has to confront the military’s lingering supremacy in some areas.

Newspapers reported that GHQ ‘convened’ a meeting of the main economic ministers, including the finance, commerce and water and power ministers, where these and other ministers had to ‘satisfy the military leadership’ over whether Pakistan should increase trade with India.

The ministry of commerce has argued that not only are there advantages to Pakistani consumers, it estimated that GDP would grow by two percentage points, and 500,000 jobs would be created in three years once this trade began.

To modify a popular cliché: if it is not the business of the government to be in business, it is certainly not the business of the military to interfere in civilian trade.

Extensive evidence shows that Pakistan’s economy and its people would benefit markedly by opening up trade with India. Clearly, Pakistan’s old-school military does not seem to have the interests of its people or of the country’s economy at heart. But then, it never has.

Its rather narrow and limited corporate interests have inflicted huge damage on Pakistan’s society, economy

and politics, with civilian governments having to bear the burden of numerous misadventures and misdeeds. Only a much stronger civilian society, particularly, a more self-confident political and democratic order, can end the military’s continued interference.

The writer is a political economist.

Friend of PAK Army = Mirza Jamal = But I hate Brown Envelops

  • I feel very strongly about Taliban bombs and all the stuff isi do to us Pakistan and I say even Top army generals are under ISI and Jamaat control. I just hate ayub and zia and mushrraf not controlling lawlessness in Pakistan .


    please do not forget i m belong to army family my father was army officer and my big bro have on duty

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    I went too far. Just delete my comments.

    Listen BROTHER if we or you belong to army family we have more RIGHT TO ASK ABOUT CORRUPTION AND DISASTERS that happens in Army time. Last Army rule 9 years and same CORRUPTION and railway. Zia destroyed our right to ask questions. Too many late night knock at door. Brother feel FREE zia is dead. Complain and say army is MY FAMILY AND BLOOD I WANT ANSWERS when army rules why things are just the same?

    That’s all I am saying. You are not alone. Its like “ALL” Pashtoon accept that Taliban are our blood and brothers and all faults and brainwash is ONLY done by USA and POLIO teams ? Girl schools are allowed. Woman driving is allowed !!! We just DAMAGE ourselves by dreaming that PAKISTAN can get BETTER without EXPOSING frauds ? Including Army frauds ? My point ALWAYS is WHY only BLAME PPP and PML and PTI ? Army and ISI blackmail to press and politicians is just as bad and ruining our PAKISTAN daily. Who SAID I CAN NOT criticise ARMY or ISI ? Zia is dead no more late night door knocks at my home !!!

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    I left Pakistan just after zia died. I knew damage to Pakistan done by these born to rule army selfishness. As I say just like Pashtoon must not tell their children that Taliban are our brothers. Oh FB wouldn’t tell you but Taliban kill Army Everyday even now. This makes me Friend of Pak Army. But as a civilian ( you are civilian too) I have my rights to ask where is money for poor hospitals. Why Army kids are treated better than other Pakistanis?

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    These rulers have even made word civilian a dirty word. Why we disrespect Police? Army teach us what we see in newspapers. Army is above law in Pakistan.

    Sorry if I offend but I assure you everyone dislikes what I write. No one dare ask Army about disasters and low performance under Musharraf Ayub and Torture expert Ziaul Haq. Why civilian are to be only blame for disasters Taliban creation and …. Anyway I will write without fear or flavour . I point out bad things regardless of who does it.

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    From now on I will avoid writing on your ISI greatness photos. Maybe one day you will understand hidden corruption hands are taking Pakistani cash and wasting it. Poor Pakistani die with rubbish hospitals and we are told to keep cheating and cheering the way untouchable are. Brown envelopes.

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

     Zia is dead. We shouldn’t fear those horror days. If you are army family you also have right to ask life is just the same as it was under Musharraf. Taliban kill our army but newspapers and ISI schemes have told us European are our enemies. Do not ask who destroyed railway? Why Taliban kill Army of Pakistan ?

    I am sorry. Pakistan has corruption as reality and just agree and say and agree whatever neighborhood says. Thats majority and we cannot go against majority of Pakistan. Our freedom of thought has been destroyed. That is why PEOPLE never find ANYONE dare to ask QUESTIONS to Pak Army failures ! Plenty of them. Out of control Taliban …..

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    I am one of few Pakistani who hates Zia and Taliban. This makes me Friend of Army and Pakistan Govt. Please open your mind. I love Pakistan Army. My relatives are in Pak Army too.

    But I hate freedom given to corruption in every government. If army goes in government and usa friends and politics I have right to ask any govt past and present what they did to wapda and railway.

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    PIA too. We are just batman of waddera and sardar and zamindar rulers. Their sons are in parliament openly and also in majority top positions of Army. You or I can not change this. But its better to know I am among few wishing and asking questions for betterment of Pakistan. If Pakistan has good hospitals and quantity of schools army families like yours will even enjoy better Pakistan. That all my effort is about. I destroy DREAMS created by ……..

  • Mirza Danish Jamal
    Mirza Danish Jamal

    Not only hope of Pakistanis is stolen but we are brainwashed too. Like we have become Wahhabis.




Pakistan Army – Rents out bases

PAKISTANI ARMY always lies to its own Pakistanis that Drones do not fly from inside PAKISTAN.
“….Shamsi was leased by Pakistan to the United Arab Emirates in 1992[1] for game hunting purposes and, between 20 October 2001 and 11 December 2011, it was leased to the United States for use as a base for joint Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and United States Air Force (USAF) surveillance and drone operations (particularly those involving Predator drones) against militants in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas. The United States was ordered to vacate the airfield by the Pakistani Government on 26 November 2011 after the Salala Incident in which US-led NATO forces attacked two Pakistani border checkposts in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas killing 24 Pakistan Army soldiers. The United States vacated the airfield on 11 December 2011…”

Shamsi Airfield

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Shamsi Airfield
Bhandari Airstrip

Shamsi is located in Pakistan


Location of airfield in Pakistan

Airport type Government / Military
Owner Government of Pakistan
Operator Government of Pakistan (MoD)
Location Washuk District, Balochistan, Pakistan
Elevation AMSL 1,115 ft / 340 m
Coordinates 27°51′0″N 65°10′0″ECoordinates: 27°51′0″N 65°10′0″E
Direction Length Surface
ft m
04R/22L 9,883 3,012 Asphalt

Shamsi Airfield, also known as Bhandari Airstrip, is an airfield situated about 200 miles (320 km) southwest of Quetta and about 248 miles (400 km) northwest of Gwadar in the Balochistan province of Pakistan. The airfield is located in Washuk District and nestled in a barren desert valley between two ridges of the Central Makran Range approximately 21 miles (35 km) southeast of the village of Washuk.

Shrouded in secrecy, Shamsi was leased by Pakistan to the United Arab Emirates in 1992[1] for game hunting purposes and, between 20 October 2001 and 11 December 2011, it was leased to the United States for use as a base for joint Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and United States Air Force (USAF) surveillance and drone operations (particularly those involving Predator drones) against militants in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas. The United States was ordered to vacate the airfield by the Pakistani Government on 26 November 2011 after the Salala Incident in which US-led NATO forces attacked two Pakistani border checkposts in Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas killing 24 Pakistan Army soldiers. The United States vacated the airfield on 11 December 2011.

Satellite image of Shamsi showing Predator drones on a parking ramp.



Lease by the United Arab Emirates (1992-2001)

The disused Bhandari Airstrip was leased to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) by the Government of Pakistan in 1992 for game hunting, particularly that of falconry and rare Bustards in Balochistan province, by members of the UAE royal families. The airstrip, which was renamed “Shamsi” (meaning “Sunny” in Arabic) by the Emirati Sheikhs, was developed into a jet capable airfield by the UAE.[2]

Lease by the United States (2001-2011)

At the request of the United States, Shamsi was sub-leased by the UAE to the United States on 20 October 2001 with the approval of then Pakistani Government of President Pervez Musharraf and was further developed jointly by the CIA and the USAF as a military airfield.[2] The US constructed two permanent and one portable hangars at Shamsi for housing drones, in addition to support and residential facilities, and recarpeted the asphalt runway to enable its use by large and heavy military aircraft.

On the night of 9 January 2002, a United States Marine Corps KC-130R refuelling aircraft crashed after hitting a ridgeline on approach to Shamsi, possibly due to crew disorientation, resulting in the deaths of all seven crew members on board.[3]

In February 2009, The Times (London) claimed that it had obtained Google Earth images from 2006 that showed Predator drones parked outside a hangar at the end of the runway at Shamsi. The Times investigation was in response to a statement by US Senator Dianne Feinstein that the CIA was basing its drone aircraft in Pakistan. The U.S. company Blackwater was also reported to have a presence there, hired by the government to arm the drones with missiles.[4] The Pakistani Government had initially denied that the airfield was being used as a base for US military or covert operations but confirmed the same later. The New York Times cited a senior Pakistani military official as saying that in 2009 the drone operations were moved across the border to Afghanistan.[4]

U.S. friction with Pakistan and eviction (2011)

On 13 May 2011, following the Abbotabad Incident of 2 May 2011, Air Chief Marshal Rao Qamar Suleman, Chief of the Air Staff, Pakistan Air Force (PAF) confirmed, in an in-camera briefing to a joint sitting of the Pakistani Parliament, that Shamsi was not under the control of the PAF, but under UAE control.[5]

In June 2011, Pakistan publicly ordered the US to remove all its personnel from the airfield.[6] The United States and Pakistan announced a few days later that drone operations from the airfield had actually ceased in April 2011.[7]

On 26 November 2011, Pakistan ordered the United States to vacate the base within 15 days in response to the Salala Incident, in which US military aircraft attacked two Pakistani border checkposts 2.5 km inside Pakistani territory and killed 24 Pakistani troops.[8][9][10][11][12] Although drone operations originating at the base had ceased in April 2011, the US was apparently still using the airfield for emergency landings and logistical support.[13]

On 4 December 2011, the first US military aircraft arrived at Shamsi to evacuate US military personnel and equipment.[14] A total of seven US military aircraft, including C-17 Globemasters, landed at Shamsi in the coming week for evacuation purposes and US equipment and personnel were evacuated in 30 sorties.[15] On 9 December 2011, soldiers of Pakistan’s Frontier Constabulary arrived at the nearby village of Washuk to position themselves to retake Shamsi. All roads to and from Shamsi were closed. Some US equipment was destroyed by the US military.[15] The US finally vacated Shamsi on 11 December 2011 with two flights carrying the remaining US soldiers and equipment.[16][17] Soldiers of the Pakistan Army, the Frontier Constabulary and officials of Pakistan’s Civil Aviation Authority[1] immediately took control of the airfield.[15][18] A photograph of the airfield taken on 11 December 2011 and officially released by the Pakistani military’s Directorate of Inter-Services Public Relations and published in the British The Telegraph newspaper shows Pakistan Army soldiers and a Pakistan Army Mil Mi-17 helicopter at Shamsi shortly after the US vacated the airfield.[19]





Uplift in FATA as important as military action, says Kayani

Only in 2012 suddenly “UpLift” in FATA is important for ARMY !!!

Uplift in FATA as important as military action, says Kayani
Saturday, September 22, 2012\22\story_22-9-2012_pg7_4

RAWALPINDI: Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani on Friday said that continued support of the public and development in the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (FATA) was as important as military operations against the miscreants in the region.

He said this while interacting with commanding officers of formations and units deployed in the area, during a visit to South Waziristan, an ISPR press release said.

Speaking on the occasion, he emphasised upon the importance of sustaining successes achieved in recent years against terrorism, until the menace was completely subdued.

For this purpose, he said, continued support of the public and development of the area was as important as military operations. The COAS lauded the sacrifices and efforts of the army in the fight against terror. app

Army is ABOVE honesty laws of Pakistan

Nobody should be above the law and accountability should be across the board without any political victimization Done by ISI and hidden Army hands in Media and Police.

[̲̅L][̲̅i̲̅][̲̅k̲̅][̲̅e̲̅] + [̲̅S][̲̅h̲̅][̲̅a̲̅][̲̅r̲̅][̲̅e̲̅]
این ایل سی میں اربوں کی کرپشن کا نیا سکینڈل
نیشنل لاجسٹک سیل جسے حاضر سروس آرمی افسران چلاتے ہیں میں ایک ارب روپے کے نئے فراڈ اور سکینڈل کا انکشاف ہوا ہے جب کہ نیب پہلے ہی چار ارب روپے کے ایک اور سکینڈل میں تین فوجی جرنیلوں کے خلاف انکوائری کا آغاز کر چکا ہے۔ سرکاری دستاویزات سے انکشاف ہوتا ہے کہ این ایل سی نے ایک ایسی خفیہ ڈیل ایک پرائیویٹ پارٹی کے ساتھ کی تھی جس میں اب پتہ چلا ہے کہ اسے ایک ارب روپے کا کیش نقصان ہوا ہے اور خدشہ کا اظہار کیا جارہا ہے کہ یہ رقم ایک ارب سے بھی زیادہ ہو سکتی ہے۔

اس نقصان کو چھپانے کے لیے اب این ایل سی کی انتظامیہ جو کہ پہلے ہی تین جرنیلوں کے چار ارب روپے کے فراڈ کی وجہ سے اخبارات کی شہہ سرخیوں میں ہے اب اس فائل کو چھپا رہی ہے جس میں اس ڈیل کی ساری تفصیل موجود ہے کہ کیسے کس نے ایک ارب روپے کا ڈاکہ این ایل سی پر دن دہاڑے مارا تھا اور کس گروپ کو کیا فائدہ کیسے دیا گیا تھا۔ ذرائع کا کہنا ہے کہ اس نئے سکینڈل کا انکشاف اس وقت ہوا جب آڈیٹر جنرل آف پاکستان نے این ایل سی کا آڈٹ شروع کیا تو اس محکمے نے ایک ایسی سرکاری فائل ان کے حوالے کرنے سے انکار کر دیا جس میں آڈیٹر کو شک تھا کہ ادارے کو ایک ارب روپے سے زائد کا نقصان ہوا تھا اور ایک پرائیویٹ پارٹی کو فائدہ پہنچایا گیا تھا۔

تاہم آڈٹ والوں نے بھی جان نہیں چھوڑی اور انہوں نے اس بورڈ میٹنگ کے منٹس ڈھونڈ نکالے جس میں اس پرائیویٹ پارٹی کو ایک ارب روپے کا فائدہ اور ادارے کو ایک ارب کا نقصان ہوا تھا۔ اس میٹنگ کے منٹس سے انکشاف ہوتا ہے کہ این ایل سی نے ایک پرائیویٹ گروپ کے ساتھ ایک جوائنٹ وینچر کے معاہدے پر دستخط کیے۔ اس سے پہلے پاکستان ریلوے نے این ایل سی سے دو ارب تیس کروڑ روپے لے کر ننانونے سال کے لیے اپنا ایک تیرہ ہزار سکوائر یارڈ زمین کا قطعہ لیز پر دیا تھا۔ این ایل سی نے اس پرائیویٹ گروپ کے ساتھ ایک معاہدہ کیا جس کے مطابق اس زمین پر 37 منزلوں پر مشتمل ایک عمارت اور تین بیسمنٹ بنانے تھے۔

تاہم حیرانی کی بات ہے کہ این ایل سی جس نے دو ارب تیس کروڑ روپے دے کر وہ زمین لیز پر لی تھی اس کا اس جوائنٹ ونچیر میں شیئر انچاس فیصد جب کہ اس پرائیویٹ گروپ کا اکثریتی شیئر اکاون فیصد رکھ دیا گیا۔ منصوبہ یہ تھا کہ ایک ارب بیس کروڑ روپے اس پراجیکٹ میں ڈالے جائیں گے اور ایک ارب ساتھ کروڑ روپے کا قرضہ لینا تھا جب کہ باقی پیسے دفاتر کو فروخت کر کے کمائے جانے تھے۔ یہ کیش بھی این ایل سی نے فراہم کیا تاکہ کام شروع ہو سکے۔ اب پتہ چلا ہے کہ پورا منصوبہ ناکام ہوگیا ہے اور اب وہ سارا گھاٹے کے بعد لیکیوڈیٹ ہونے والا ہوا تھا۔

این ایل سی اب اس منصوبے کے تمام سرکاری دستاویزات آڈٹ کے حوالے کرنے کو تیار نہیں ہیں کیونکہ اس کے افسران کو یہ خوف ہے کہ کہیں ان کا سارا سکینڈل کھل کر سامنے نہ آجائے کہ کس نے اس مال کمانے کی دوڑ میں کیا کمایا تھا اور وہ اربوں کا منصوبہ کسے ناکام ہوگیا تھا اور اس دو ارب تیس ارب روپے کا کیا ہوگا جس پریہ پلازہ بنایا جارہا تھا اور اس کے لیے ادائیگی پاکستان ریلوے کو کی گئی تھی اور اب اس میں اکاون فیصد شیئر تو اس پرائیویٹ گروپ کو دے دیے گئے تھے۔

دستاویزات کے مطابق اس پراجیکٹ میں بہت کھل کر پیسہ کھایا گیا ہے اور اسے چھپانے کے لیے ایک ہی راستہ تلاش کیا گیا ہے کہ اس سکینڈل کی فائل ہی آڈٹ کوفراہم نہ کی جائے۔ اب آڈٹ نے حکومت کو لکھ کر بھیجا ہے کہ جہاں اتنا بڑا منصوبہ ناکام ہوا سو ہوا وہاں اس دھندے میں این ایل سی کے اربوں روپے ڈوب گئے ہیں۔ سرکاری دستاویزات کے مطابق آڈٹ کا کہنا ہے کہ این ایل سی سے ایک ارب روپے تو کیش اس پرائیویٹ گروپ کو دینے کے لیے نکلوایا گیا تھا اور اس میں بورڈ کے ارکان کی ملی بھگت شامل تھی۔ یوں سب نے مل کر قوم کو ایک ارب روپے سے زیادہ لوٹ لیا تھا اور اب این ایل سی کے افسران اس سکینڈٖل کی فائل بھی دینے کو تیار نہیں تھے تاکہ کوئی ان کے خلاف کارروائی نہ کر سکے۔

Nobody should be above the law and accountability should be across the board without any political victimization